Youth = Good ?

An oddly familiar billboard graces main highway leading into Guatemala City from San Lucas. A man named Otto Pérez in a brilliant orange shirt with a severe, piercing stare - the spitting image of the ex-general- looks down on passing cars. Following in his father's footsteps, Otto Pérez Leal joins in the low-risk, low-consequence practice of premature campaigning, demonstrating how the next generation of a network of corrupt politicians cannot be trusted to deviate from their parents' practice of impunity. In accordance with current enforcement of TSE (Supreme Electoral Tribunal) campaign regulation, it is possible that Pérez Leal will face a $100 fine, imposed several years from now.

Pérez Leal's presidential campaign leads me to question the promise of the youth movement in Guatemala. Youth social media campaigns, new transparency-focused organizations, voices and internationally funded youth movements inspire hope that those born after the worst years of "la violencia" will be unafraid to speak out boldly against impunity and lead the charge for legitimate democracy in Guatemala. Unfortunately for the hopeful, the youth voice in Guatemala appears to be dominated by the same forces that have operated a network of impunity for years, as evidenced by the presence of Guatemalan politics on Facebook. Otto Pérez Molina has 13,833 fans, where as the CICIG - the UN justice and security commission which the ex-general claims is unconstitutional - has a mere 3,905 (of which I am one).

A society's youth is not a neutral, benevolent subgroup. The political activity of the new generation is tarnished by the political traditions of the former. The youth voice in Guatemala that is likely invested in perpetuating the practice of impunity is better funded and more active on the internet. To a large degree, the children of the powerful control the characterization of public opinion on social media sites and the internet. Born in cyberspace, public opinion then gets fed back into small villages and town by print news journalists that depend on the internet for statistics, quotes and information for their stories. Individual voters, without access to a wide variety of critical viewpoints, are strongly influenced by these characterizations and act accordingly.

Proponents of Guatemala's social development must regrettably ask the same questions of youth leaders as they do of adult politicians. What are their baseline financial and social resources? Is there an opportunity to reap personal advantage from a political position? How have they behaved politically/socially/economically that might give us a clue as to what kind of political figure they could be?

Campaigning in the Off-Season

Otto Pérez Molina, retired General, ex- and current presidential hopeful for the Patriots Party/Partido Patriota (PP) has successfully, and illegally begun his presidential campaign through an aggressive program of speeches, falsely promoted as an opportunity for Guatemalans to voice their grievances and be heard. The program, entitled "Que Hable Guatemala" regularly updates its Facebook page with videos of Pérez Molina speaking about Guatemala´s many challenges that have been left unanswered during the past three years of the Colóm administration.

Jumping the gun on campaign season is common in many Latin American countries, where laws are rarely enforced and impunity is just a perk of elected office. In the case of Pérez Molina, it appears as though the overwhelming support for his campaign, as well as general frustration with the Colóm Administration make pre-season campaigning permissible. So why does the "Que Hable Guatemala" campaign so enrage la guatemalgringa?

The campaign is advertised as an opportunity for dialogue - a "mesa de dialogo". However, Pérez Molina is the only one speaking. In 17 of 22 Guatemalan departments visited, the project has failed to take pictures of anyone at the podium other than the ex-general himself. I commented on the "Que hable Guatemala" Facebook group, asking how it was a dialogue if only the general was speaking, and the page administrator thanked me for my valuable opinion and referred me to the project website, www.quehableguatemala.com. Please scour the page for evidence to the contrary.

If Pérez Molina were truly interested in Seguridad y Justicia (Security and Justice), he would have supported the work of the CICIG and Castresana in the extradition of Alfonso Portillo, the cleansing of the police force and several other accomplishments, rather than declaring the body unconstitutional. Pérez Molina benefits from the very environment of impunity that the CICIG is designed to combat, as demonstrated through the "Que Hable Guatemala" campaign itself. His messages for change in Guatemala are the concerted repetition of titles, without any mention of methods, or budget. Unfortunately, this might be all he needs to win.

A jump start on the campaign season does truly provide an unfair advantage. Speeches, community dialog, public opinion polls, and bright orange ties all encourage Guatemalans to recognize Pérez Molina as a prominent public figure and naturally associate him with political leadership. In July of 2010, the PP hired a marketing firm to administer a public opinion survey, that would be released simultaneously with those of a CID Gallup survey run by the government. The PP survey shows that the majority of decided voters (39%) plan to vote for Pérez Molina. El Periodico, a nationally distributed daily, gave the PP survey as much space and mention as it did to the government´s Gallup poll, introducing equal suspicion of bias for both surveys. Guatemalans will read the front page and not recognize the different between a marketing firm and CID Gallup - and subconsciously make a personal judgement about who they trust more. The PP survey also asked a strange question, "If you were offered economic support from the UNE government in exchange for your vote, would you agree with that?" (83 percent of those surveyed responded NO). Asking that question in that way puts the government at odds with the ethical conduct of individual Guatemalans. It causes the survey participant to subconsciously link the illegal exchange of money for votes with the current administration, rather than with the very real history of corrupt campaign practices in the country.

Currently, there is some opposition to the Que Hable Guatemala campaign from those that receive support through the government´s conditional cash transfer program, Mi Familia Progresa. In April, Guatemalans in the department of Jalapa protested and tried to block the PP meetings. Pérez Molina claims that this is part of a general attack on "varios sectores"/"various sectors" by the UNE administration, that they are seeking to censor the press and wage an assault on the business community.

Unless critical thinkers question the actions of the PP, there is a chance that Guatemala will extend its struggle to free itself from a tragic history of violence and military impunity in the upcoming presidential election.

Question #2 and #2.5

Question 2.5

Costa Rica's Attorney General Francisco Dall'Anese did indeed announce today that he will renounce his post and travel to Guatemala on the 1st of August to begin his term as the Commissioner of the CICIG.

Question 2 - Part Answer

Dall'Anese speaks in vague, meaningless phrases - the opposite of Castresana's concise, brave and definitive statements that made him such an intriguing visionary in the fight against impunity in Guatemala. Statements like the following strike me as sufficient reason for unease and suspicion:

Bland Statement #1

“Yo no quiero arrastrar los problemas que haya tenido el doctor Castresana con las autoridades guatemaltecas. Empezaré de cero y trataré de que las cosas funcionen”, expresó.

Translation: "I don't want to bring along the problems that Castresana has had with Guatemalan authorities. I will start from scratch and try to make things work."

Unease: From someone who respects and admires the work that Castresana has done in Guatemala, and who will hold little over a one year term, this sounds erroneous, short-sighted and vague. It sounds almost like a strategy to free himself from accusations of failure if he is unable to perform.

Source: Prensa Libre, 21 de julio, 2010 "Dall'Anese afirma que no hay receta magica" por Coralia Orantes http://www.prensalibre.com/noticias/DallAnese-afirma-receta-magica_0_302369798.html:

Bland Statement #2

Statement: “Una sociedad sin prensa no es democrática."

Translation: "A society without the press is not democratic."

Unease: This goes without saying.

Source: CICIG website, http://cicig.org/index.php?page=fiscal-general-de-costa-rica

Bland Statement #3

Statement: “Nadie puede ir de afuera con recetas mágicas para sanear el sistema judicial; en realidad Guatemala es y va a ser lo que los guatemaltecos quieren que sea”.

Translation: "No outsider can come in with a magic recipe to cleanse the judicial system. The reality is that Guatemala is and will be what the Guatemalans want it to be."

Unease: Who are "los guatemaltecos" that want the system to be wrought with corruption and impunity? How about those who are silences by fear or powerless because of poverty or exclusion? His statement suggests he is already defeated by the political obstacles Castresana found overwhelming.

Source: Prensa Libre, 21 de julio, 2010 "Dall'Anese afirma que no hay receta magica" por Coralia Orantes http://www.prensalibre.com/noticias/DallAnese-afirma-receta-magica_0_302369798.html:


Judging from these statements, Dall'Anese is not the fighter, the careful but bold decision-maker that will be needed to continue Castresana's work. If Dall'Anese is not successful, there is a change that the Guatemalan Mission to the UN will not apply to continue the work of the CICIG, and the project will be scrubbed, just as other Central American countries are taking an interest in adopting a regional impunity fighting body based on the CICIG model. A pity to say, but this is not looking good.

Can we trust Francisco Dall’Anese?

The unusual, innovative, and highly successful International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala is under new management. The resignation of ex-Commissioner Carlos Castresana prompted a sudden national discouragement with one of the most innovative, probing attempts to cleanse a corrupt justice and security system ever known. Meaningful questions now rest on whether or not his successor, the present Attorney General of Costa Rica, Francisco Dall’Anese will be as successful as Castresana. Over the next few weeks, I will be exploring some of these questions as I read through Dall’Anese´s writings on justice and security, and explore some of his positions. I plan to investigate the following questions:

Question #1

Is it advantageous to have another Central American in charge of the CICIG? Central America is a unique region where judges may develop a tough-on-organized-crime record as a disguise. Organized crime is not one, static evil, but an ever-changing band of families and cartels that operate in different regions, use different tactics and develop opposing political alliances. An impressive record against corruption and impunity serves to quell public fears surrounding a judge´s professional integrity, while silently breaking down one criminal band in the service of another.

Question #2

Is Dall’Anese fully cognizant of the CICIG´s operations? Does his professional career demonstrate that he fully understands the amount of engagement and the advisory role that the CICIG must take to be successful? Is he motivated to act accordingly?

Question #2.5

Will he continue on as Attorney General of Costa Rica during his contract as CICIG Commissioner?

Question #3

Does he have sufficient knowledge of the Guatemalan context? Costa Rica did not suffer through 36 years of civil war, nor is San José among the most dangerous cities in the Western Hemisphere. There is no army embarrassingly reassigned to keep domestic order. Though similarities abound, the major difference between Costa Rica and Guatemala is in the quality of justice and security. I anticipate a weak performance from Dall’Anese should he treat Guatemala too much like his home country.

Question #4

Is he likely to fall victim to the same defamation campaign as Castresana? How spotless is his personal life?

The answers will provide some insight into whether the strategy of the CICIG, or Castresana himself can be credited with the progress against impunity in Guatemala that has taken place over the past few years.

Can we trust Francisco Dall’Anese?

The unusual, innovative, and highly successful International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala is under new management. The resignation of ex-Commissioner Carlos Castresana prompted a sudden national discouragement with one of the most innovative, probing attempts to cleanse a corrupt justice and security system ever known. Meaningful questions now rest on whether or not his successor, the present Attorney General of Costa Rica, Francisco Dall’Anese will be as successful as Castresana. Over the next few weeks, I will be exploring some of these questions as I read through Dall’Anese´s writings on justice and security, and explore some of his positions. I plan to investigate the following questions:

Question #1

Is it advantageous to have another Central American in charge of the CICIG? Central America is a unique region where judges may develop a tough-on-organized-crime record as a disguise. Organized crime is not one, static evil, but an ever-changing band of families and cartels that operate in different regions, use different tactics and develop opposing political alliances. An impressive record against corruption and impunity serves to quell public fears surrounding a judge´s professional integrity, while silently breaking down one criminal band in the service of another.

Question #2

Is Dall’Anese fully cognizant of the CICIG´s operations? Does his professional career demonstrate that he fully understands the amount of engagement and the advisory role that the CICIG must take to be successful? Is he motivated to act accordingly?

Question #2.5

Will he continue on as Attorney General of Costa Rica during his contract as CICIG Commissioner?

Question #3

Does he have sufficient knowledge of the Guatemalan context? Costa Rica did not suffer through 36 years of civil war, nor is San José among the most dangerous cities in the Western Hemisphere. There is no army embarrassingly reassigned to keep domestic order. Though similarities abound, the major difference between Costa Rica and Guatemala is in the quality of justice and security. I anticipate a weak performance from Dall’Anese should he treat Guatemala too much like his home country.

The answers will provide some insight into whether the strategy of the CICIG, or Castresana himself can be credited with the progress against impunity in Guatemala that has taken place over the past few years.

Back in New York City

Now returned to New York, I will be writing on a wider range of topics. Be aware!

Housing Project #1: Why

Today, President Álvaro Colom announced that the cost of rebuilding from Tropical Storm Agatha could exceed US$100 million dollars. And the winter has just begun. In the department of Soloá alone (where J.Crew shot it´s Spring 2010 catalog), 7,115 people were living in shelters on June 6th. The total death toll is estimated at 165, with millions of dollars in damage to infrastructure and crop lands. Now, Guatemalans will do what they did after Hurricane Mitch, Hurricane Stan, and countless other extreme weather events that devastated the country; they will rebuild right where their homes were before, using the same flimsy materials the used before, and continue to fear the rain.

Anyone that ever tried to re-paint sprawling urban slums as seas of willing entrepreneurs and promise was kidding themselves. For decades, and perhaps centuries, slums have served as an easy, free solution to problems of urban housing shortages and growing migration to urban areas. Slums are horrible places to live, and they need to me eliminated. Residents of slums lack opportunities because they are weighted down with vulnerability – to extreme weather events, disease, violence, hunger and thirst. This is a not a cheerful “Necessity is the Mother of Invention” situation. This is a situation in which literally millions, and globally billions of people suffer in squalor. Make no mistake. It is the responsibility of the international community, private enterprises that employ slum dwellers, national, municipal and city governments to eliminate, rather than rehabilitate slums in the developing world.

Most primary stakeholders write off public housing developments because they require more financial, institutional and technological resources than these developing world megacities have to spend. However, many cities´ slums are built on land that is uninhabitable, subject to mudslides every few years (Guatemala City, Rio de Janiero), and endangers public water sources (São Paolo). While the international community writes off public housing development as too expensive, millions that could be spent on viable, sustainable long term solutions will be wasted on repeated handouts for disaster relief, lives will be lost in deadly flash floods and mudslides, and more abstractly but perhaps most importantly, more individuals will be disabled by insecurity, unable to pursue their dreams and take advantage of even meager opportunities.

Marketing public housing to powerful, rich stakeholders requires an expert quantification of the long term social benefits of public housing, as well as a quantification, and monetization of the social costs of continuing with slum rehabilitation projects. I invite you to share your ideas on the social benefits and costs, and to await future information on how I seek to measure these things.

For more information on the effects of Agatha, please visit CONRED at http://conred.gob.gt/incidentes/2010/tormenta-tropical-agatha

Evidence presented against Conrado Reyes

Today, Carlos Castresana, ex-commissioner for the CICIG revealed evidence against ex-attorney general Conrado Reyes acquired through CICIG investigations. Through wire tapping and document seizure, the CICIG exposed more members of an organized and powerful ring of collaborators that tried to design a smear campaign against Castresana, invalidate the work of the CICIG, and halt the investigation into the Valdés Paiz brothers, who are currently wanted in Guatemala for orchestrating the assassination/suicide of Rodrigo Rosenberg.

A Note on the Rosenberg Case:

In May of 2009, a You Tube video of Rosenberg accusing President Colóm, First Lady Sandra de Colóm and presidential secretary Gustavo Alejos of planning his murder caused a national uproar and threatened to destabilize the state. Later, a CICIG investigation concluded that Rosenberg, disturbed by his partial responsibility for the murder of the Musas, planned and orchestrated his own assassination. The case is elaborate and confusing; most are still unsatisfied, even with the CICIG´s conclusions.

Castresana´s evidence puts the president in a very difficult position. The role of the CICIG during the attorney general selection process was to advise President Colóm on the integrity of the candidates. It is unclear whether or not Castresana advised Colóm not to appoint Reyes to the attorney general position, or if the evidence against Reyes was inconclusive prior to recent announcements. Additionally, civil society leaders like Helen Mack, Rigoberta Menchú and Nineth Montenegro compelled the president to react to the accusations and dismiss Reyes. Prior to their insistence, Colóm was silent and inactive. Instead, the Constitutional Court annulled the appointment of Reyes, instituted María Mejía as the interim attorney general, and began the process to find a replacement. Is Colóm´s weak position a reflection on his personal vulnerability, or on the vulnerability of his political position, or is it a reason to suspect his involvement with the organized crime ring? Though I was pleased that Castresana managed to absolve Colóm from involvement in the Rosenberg case,

why hasn´t he publicly shared any evidence for or against the president himself? Would evidence collected by the CICIG against the president be sufficient grounds for his impeachment, or worse?

Additionally, what are likely to be the consequences of these accusations for those implicated, especially now that Castresana is not in Guatemala to continue to direct the investigations? Once again, I wonder what will happen to those policemen, prosecutors and judges that believed in the CICIG investigation and joined the good fight for justice. Unlike Castresana, they cannot leave the country even when they face very realistic threats. Will Castresana continue to make accusations and present evidence from outside of the country?

Unlike the firm evidence he presented against Reyes, the smear campaign against

Castresana is composed of unsubstantiated accusations that he is living together with a Jamaican wo

man, Tomalja Audrey Harris, hired to work with the CICIG for $7,000 a month. On the blog of journalist Jorge Palmieri, I found this very suspicious (!!!) photo of said Jamaican, her mother and Castresana at the Hotel Intercontinental in Guatemala City: http://jorgepalmieri.com/page/2/ Though many grumble about Castresana´s US$25,000 a month, I think that is fair for his skills, experience, and the risk that accompanied his position as commissioner of the CICIG.

Some Characters to Remember:

• Diego Moreno Botrán: family relation of the Valdez Paiz brothers, responsible for hiding the fugitives since December of 2009, and now a fugitive himself.
• Juan Miguel Fuxet, manager of Lanquetin, the Valdés Paiz pharmecuetical company: the CICIG seized his personal agenda, including logistical information about a meeting with the fugitive Valdés Paiz brothers outside of Guatemala.
• Rodolfo Ibarra, publicist for Lanquetin: in March and April of this year, received payments for his contributions to the media campaign to destroy the credibility of the CICIG. Appears in wire-tapped conversations discussing with Beltranena about how to approach candidates for attorney general, prior to Reyes´s appointment.
• Roderico Pineda: appears in telephone conversations influencing Reyes to halt the investigation into the Valdéz Paiz brothers.

"Al fin descubrieron la razon de los hoyos en la Zona 6 & 2..."

¡Ojalá!

Cow excrement collected over a 24 hour period provides 3 hours of gas for your stove!

Sinkholes, severed heads, allegations of wire tapping and the search for a new attorney general all made headlines today, but I want to write about cow poop.

Eduardo Asturias from the Association of Alternative Rural Development (DAR) in Guatemala reports that a special apparatus, including a polyethylene bag, a tub and a valve is now being used to harness the methane gas from animal dung to power gas stoves. Including all components necessary for safe and effective use, the equipment costs about Q4,000 (US$500), of which participating families are expected to pay half, while DAR and the Energy and Environment Alliance for Central America cover the rest. Some units are in use in Chimaltenango, while another 300 should be installed in Tecpan later on this year. Additionally, the US and the FAO are running a similar, more extensive program in the dry corridor of Guatemala, where there are a lot of cows and not a lot of water. The Guatemalan Program for Clean Production also reports the use of "biodigestores" by some large companies in the region.

The capture and use of alternative fuels in Guatemala is not only interesting and timely, but also extremely necessary considering the effects of climate change on the country. Most of Guatemala´s power is hydroelectric. Hotter, longer dry spells are going to deplete ground water and have already diminished the country´s ability to provide electricity. Rising costs of electricity, in part due to the increased costs of production and water scarcity may potentially lead to social unrest. Household level technologies, such as the cow dung - methane - energy apparatus represent innovative solutions to the scarcity and expensive of utilities, particularly in rural areas. At the current time, this technology has not been efficiently adapted to provide household electrical power.

However, in order for these systems to be effective, families must be in a position to make the initial investment, willing to learn about and use the new technology, and have cows or pigs grazing nearby. This innovation is lauded as a solution to the overuse of leña, or firewood for cooking in Guatemala. DAR reports that 65.8 percent of homes use firewood, which contributes to Guatemala´s carbon footprint. However, the Guatemalan Stove Project was designed to achieve a similar objective, but wasn´t as successful as its Canadian founders might have hoped. Basically, Guatemalans like their smoky food. If this technology is to achieve its objectives, it must be adapted for mass use by large diary and cow farms, providing an alternative to hydroelectric power.

Criminality Up 40 percent!

Yesterday, I wrote a long blog entry all about the accusations against Castresana that emerged likely in response to his accusations against Reyes, the now ex-fiscal general. I decided not to post it - too long and enraged.

The President of the Republic of Guatemala announced that the evidence against Reyes was, in fact, substantial enough to dismiss him of his post and the Corte Constitutional is looking for a new fiscal general. Colóm also noted that criminality had increased by 40 percent in the past three days. Who measures these things?

http://www.prensalibre.com/noticias/Evidencias-Reyes-firmes_0_278372196.html

The future for the good cops, según la guatemalgringa

Today I think of the many good policeman, judges and prosecutors of whom Castresana spoke in his words at the Open Society Institute in April of 2010. What will happen to them now? Certainly their courageous actions to unravel the knot of impunity that has this government in a stranglehold will make them vulnerable to threats, violence and possibly unexplained disappearance or assassination now that those exposed as corrupt through their work are poised, once again, to exercise their impunity. If the UN does not find a suitable substitute for Carlos Castresana and continue the work of the CICIG, quickly, those that have devoted their professional lives to building a just society in Guatemala will likely, and rightly, conclude that the international community is powerless against the Guatemalan ex-military elite. I would also hand in my badge or lay my gavel to rest. Without the ability to run, there is not force within Guatemala strong enough to protect these people, which is truly disheartening.

No Equal Opportunity in Guatemala

There is no such thing as equal opportunity in Guatemala. It appears lawful to discriminate on the basis of gender, age and religious preference. While looking through the Prensa Libre´s monday classifieds, I came across a job postings that included the following requirements:

- Arquitecta (sexo F)

- Piloto: hombres entre 18 y 35 años de edad

- Cristiano evangelico

I wonder if it is ok to discriminate on the basis of race, but they just don´t include it in job postings. It must be ok to discriminate against pregnant and unmarried women. I wonder if this is true in all of Latin America.

Castresana Resigns

In the long run, today´s news will probably deal a more significant blow to Guatemala than the eruption of Pacaya and Tropical Storm Agatha combined. Yesterday, Carlos Castresana, the head of the CICIG (Comisón internacional contra la impunidad en guatemala) resigned from his post, citing defamation campaigns by bands of corrupt lawyers and the infiltration of his investigation by criminal bands through the appointment of Conrado Reyes as Attorney General. His resignation leaves many in Guatemala wondering "Who will help us now?". It is clear that ex-military criminal bands are, indeed, above the law, and so powerful that not even the UN international commission could maintain a presence long enough to dampen their control over the exercise of justice in Guatemala.

The CICIG and its accomplishments

The CICIG was officially established in Guatemala with the signing of the Peace Accords to dismantle clandestine illegal, undercover fighting units. Castresana, in a discussion at the Open Society Institute in April, 2010 cited several reasons why the CICIG was effective: it was established as a permanent declaration of the will of the Guatemalan state; it is based in-country; and it is an international and domestic partnership designed to strengthen institutions. The CICIG is designed to work alongside Guatemalan police officers, detectives, lawyers and judges to ascertain why it is that they cannot do their jobs effectively, and take strong steps to remove barriers to smooth functioning of the justice system. On an optimistic note, Castresana added that there are indeed, good cops, prosecutors and judges in Guatemala, it is only a matter of identifying them.

While Castresana served as commissioner, the CICIG brought 30 policemen to train 40 more, while an additional 30 received special training in wire-tapping. It also added a special new prosecution office. The organization put 16 projects before the national congress, including courts of expanded jurisdiction, which would increase the state´s ability to protect judges in rural areas. The organization laid the groundwork for the administrative firing of 2,000 corrupt police officers, as well as the attorney general and 10 prosecutors, the removal of three justices, and the dismissal of 20 appeals courts magistrates. among others. The CICIG brought down some of Guatemala´s most visible untouchables, including Alfonso Portillo, the ex-president accused of diverting millions of dollars in public funds to his personal bank accounts and then fleeing the country. The Minister of Defense, the Minister of Finance, two Directors of the National Civil Police force (PNC), and the the national drug squad, as well as the son of ex-president Rios Montt have all been accused and dismissed from their posts as well. While Honduras languished in political turmoil, the Guatemalan state stayed afloat as the CICIG conducted the investigation into the Rosenberg case, in which a murdered lawyer accused President Colóm, First Lady Sandra de Colóm, and the President´s private secretary, Gustavo Alejos of responsibility for his death. From the Portillo case, Castresana highlights how the judges, in spite of threats that their families would be kidnapped, continued on with the extradition. In the Rosenberg case, Castresana highlights the speed with which 300 officers operated simultaneously to arrest 10 people in 4 different cities in the country. Castresana noted that the continued work of the CICIG in Guatemala would require the designation of roles and responsibilities to individual offices, and the consolidation of a friendly environment that would leave Guatemala with reliable public servants.

What happened?

During the process of appointing the next attorney general, the CICIG advised President Colóm on the history and integrity of each of the candidates, though Castresana´s particular feelings about the initial appointment of Reyes are difficult to come by. With his resignation, Castresana officially declared that Reyes has a history of corruption and links to organized crime. Upon taking his post, Reyes hired some suspicious characters linked to Carlos Quintanilla, the ex-chief of the Office of Administrative Affairs for Security, that is currently under investigation for spying on the President. These shady wire-tappers were immediately put in charge of listening in on the calls of suspected leaders of drug cartels within the country. Castresana has asked the President to dismiss Reyes, though his appointment remains up in the air.

Since the resignation, social activists like Helen Mack and Rigoberta Menchú demanded office with the President to express their solidarity and support of Castresana´s call to dismiss Reyes. Reyes has declared Castresana´s accusations unfounded and irresponsible. He claims he tried often to set up a meeting with the commissioner, but was ignored. Reyes laments that Castresana "enjoys diplomatic immunity, because he could be tried for a number of crimes, including sedition, false accusation, and violation of the constitution." The last crime harkens back to a familiar criticism of the CICIG. Partido Patriota, the political party of Otto Pérez Molina that lost to Colóm´s UNE in the last presidential election and is known to negotiate with paramilitary groups in rural areas claims that the CICIG is unconstitutional, because it is a governing organization imposed upon Guatemala by the international community.

The CICIG is a partnership, and Castresana defended his resignation by stating that Guatemala had not held up its end of the bargain. The August 2009 capture and following extradition of Portillo raised fears among criminal bands that their impunity was in jeopardy, and they joined together in action.

Castresana reports that forces against justice exist within the government itself. Representatives in the legislature have frozen 11 proposed initiatives that would enhance justice and security. They approved Q4,500,000 in bonuses from the Treasury, while cutting the budget for security and justice.

Castresana defends that the reason for his resignation is the defamation campaign visited upon him by bands of corrupt lawyers and criminals that realize the threat that CICIG poses to their impunity. I imagine that Castresana has received many threats against his person and family, and that the infiltration of these criminal bands into his investigation not only endangers the fight against impunity in Guatemala, but also shows him that his status as an international advocate for security and justice does not make him untouchable. It appears that there is a rat within the CICIG that is leaking information that threatens both the investigation, as well as Castresana´s personal security.

Now What?

Ban Ki Moon has thanked Castresana for all that he has done for Guatemala, and assures the country that a fitting replacement will be chosen soon. However, the resignation of Castresana is a significant blow to the confidence of the Gautemalan people in the fight against impunity. It remains to be seen whether anyone will truly be able to cleanse the security forces and the justice system.

Sources Used:

http://www.prensalibre.com/noticias/

http://www.soros.org/resources/events/fighting-impunity-guatemala-20100420

La Muni - Eres Tú la Cuidad

On my first day back to Guatemala, we went to the Municipalidad of Guatemala City to handle some tramites (paper pushing, form filling, payment leaving) for Empagua, the water company. We waited in one line, and then went downstairs to the basement to wait in the other line, to get the slip of paper that we needed to hand in to the payment guy, after waiting in the other line, and then go back and wait for another guy to print something out, after we gave him the sheet. In order to save time, I waited in the payment line while José waited in the other line.

In a 5 by 20 meter room, I walked back and forth and back and forth, slowly. Two hundred comatose, swaying Guatemalans in line didn´t seem to mind the absence of literature or entertainment, save one small television playing some kind of odd Guatemalan musical video, in which a guy dressed as a mime or "French" (baret and skinny horizontal black striped shirt) jumped on street-lamp posts, singing about love and popping up behind the shoulders of women dressed as "Indian" with bindis and saris, offering them flowers and jewelry, which seemed sufficient encouragement to get them to dry their tears.

While I was there, I read almost the entire Prensa Libre, including several want ads, especially "If you can read this come work at our call center"-type postings in the classifieds. Most news focuses on devastation caused by Tropical Storm Agatha and the recent eruption of Volcán Pacaya. In addition to the many homes that were destroyed, the lives that were lost, and the sink hole that opened up and sparked the curiosity of scientists, some initial estimates for the total economic damage to the country exceed Q500 million quetzales, or about US$65 million. In Izabal, many sad banana trees are lying down in pools of muddy water. Thank you, Mexico, for your donations.

The most heart wrenching stories are those of the livestock that were trapped and left for dead in the path of lava flowing down from the new crater that has opened up in Pacaya, due to the recent eruption. Tourists and families on weekend outings have pulled into the town to catch a glimpse of the flowing lava (it is really cool, after all, which is why the surrounding towns´main source of income has been volcano touring for who knows how many years). Reports are that evacuated townspeople plan on moving back in as soon as possible, despite the falda´s (volcano "skirt") extreme vulnerability to future eruptions and future devastation.

Speaking of livestock, heading home from the airport I saw a confused sheep riding in the back of a police truck. Always something interesting to catch on the horizon here!

Additionally, Health and Education departments have apparently used about $600,000 of public funds to pay most-favored teachers and health workers double salaries for doing at least a job and a half. This is illegal. Oops. Ten people died in violent attacks; a plague of weevils devastates forests; tomb raiders abound in Retalhulheu; the extortion, carbon dioxide emission, and inflation rates are all rising, as is the cost of electricity in Huehuetenango, where the municipal electricity company (EEMH) cannot raise enough revenue to break even with the price hikes imposed by INDE, the national electricity institute, and fears a social uprising. All to be expected on this lovely June the 7th in Guatemala.